WOMEN'S ACADEMIC SUCCESS
AND THE EARLY STAGES OF PROFESSIONAL CAREERS(1)
David G. Beswick and Judith E. Boreham
University of Melbourne
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In her recent Fink Memorial Lecture, Blackstone (1987) drew attention to British data on the success of women in gaining equality with men in many aspects of participation in higher education but with relative lack of success after transition to the labour market. In this paper we report some similar findings from a major Australian longitudinal study, the Career Development Project (CDP). That is a study in which a large sample of students in matriculation classes in 1973 in all states were followed through tertiary education and during the first few years in the workforce. In this selection of findings we have placed emphasis on the career development of women aged 26 or 27 in 1982 who had established themselves in professional occupations.
Women in this particular cohort were amongst the first to complete secondary school school in equal proportion to male students. As we have reported previously (Bardsley et al 1979, Beswick et al 1983) these women did well in tertiary education. Themes relating to job success and satisfaction, perceived fulfilment of expectations, and career and family conflicts have now been explored in order to investigate whether the initial relative success of women in tertiary education was maintained during the early stages of their careers. An attempt is made here to relate the career attainment evident at the early career stages to the longitudinal data concerning backgrounds, progress and critical choice points in the years following matriculation. Amongst the background variables are a number of individual difference measures of attitudes, abilities and motives. Particular attention is paid to the balance of intrinsic and extrinsic motivation and to the different kinds of rewards that different people seek in an occupation.
The Career Development Project
In 1973, a sample of 5,000 matriculation students from ten non-metropolitan regions and three metropolitan areas of Australia were asked to provide background social and educational data and a view of their plans and aspirations for further education and career development. This sample for the Career Development Project (see Beswick, 1976 and Beswick and Boreham, 1986) which was originally part of the Regional Colleges Project at the Australian National University (Anderson et al 1975), was followed up in 1974, 1975 and 1976 during which entry into higher education and progress into major professional fields was studied in some detail. Some findings from the first four years were prepared for the Williams Committee (i.e. the Committee of Inquiry into Education and Training), by Bardsley et al (1979). It was possible in 1981 to trace 3,000 of the original sample. Most of those who were lost had been lost in the early stages of the study.
In 1981, simple employment data were obtained and some earlier educational and employment history verified. In 1982 a detailed questionnaire was sent to the sample, relocated in the previous year, seeking information on their education and employment histories, and their current work situation, aspirations and plans. In a question `mainly relevant to women' they were asked about their preferences and plans in regard to the choice or combination of career and family. Both qualitative and quantitative data were collected but apart from a few open-ended questions, most of the qualitative data came from a small sub-sample who were selected for intensive interviews.
Historical perspective on the sample
The period of the early to mid-1970s, during which this longitudinal study began, was a time when the previous dominance of the senior secondary population by male students disappeared and girls at first equalled and then exceeded the number of boys in matriculation classes. The cohort we studied was one of the first in which the inequalities up to that point had been overcome, at least in numbers of potential entrants to higher education. It is of considerable interest to discover whether that gain on the part of women was maintained through the system of higher education and into employment. It has been reported by Beswick, Boreham and Schofield (1983) that over the following nine years following completion of secondary education (1973 to 1982), the improved position of women in this cohort was maintained through higher education to the point of entry into the professions, although in parallel studies we have found that later cohorts during the period of relative depression in higher education in the late seventies and early eighties proceeded under conditions which tended once more to disadvantage women at the point of transition to higher education (see Beswick, Hayden and Schofield, 1983). The CDP group did very well. For the CDP cohort, women had higher rates of transition from secondary to higher education than did the men, faster rates of progress in degree courses, more often entered a tertiary course of any kind and a greater proportion had completed a qualification in the following eight years (Beswick, Schofield and Boreham, 1983).
A higher proportion of women than men in this sample entered professional occupations but several points require clarification. The first and most obvious point is that women entering professional occupations were more often found in what were classified as the lower professional types of occupations (36 per cent of all women in the sample, compared with 16 per cent of men, whereas 23 per cent of men and only 16 per cent of women were in upper professional occupations). The distinction between the upper and lower professional levels as far as teaching is concerned is in whether the training included a degree, and for the most part that corresponds to a difference between primary and secondary teachers. A second point is that by 1982 some 23 per cent of the women were no longer in the workforce because of family responsibilities or `home duties'. A third point is that the over-representation of women in the lower professional category is due to large numbers of young women in teaching and especially in primary teaching. This reflected the trend at the time of a rapid expansion in teacher education. A final point is that the rural or provincial bias of this sample explains the greater proportion of students than one would find in a metropolitan sample entering colleges of advanced education (CAEs) in non-metropolitan areas, rather than universities. In 1973 there were strong incentives for entry to teacher education and many went into primary teachers colleges in metropolitan locations as well as the in country colleges (which were CAEs).
The early success of women
Although their average status levels in the professions may have been less, women showed evidence of achievement in many respects. The fact that more women than men entered colleges of advanced education rather than universities, mainly for teacher education, might have limited their professional prospects, but female college students reported their course work to be `fascinating', `creative' and `satisfying' more often than did male college students and university students generally. The tendency to underrate their ability in 1973 was less apparent by 1976, but women still less often rated themselves as among the top 5 per cent of the class. By 1981 the female members of our sample had more often completed their courses and obtained a tertiary qualification. Eighty-eight per cent of the female students who had been in Year 12 in 1973 had undertaken tertiary courses and 76 per cent had completed, compared to 80 per cent of males having undertaken courses and 59 per cent completing them in that time. It should be noted, however, that some of the women had taken short courses at TAFE institutions and thus were more likely to have completed. Nevertheless, the overall achievement was good despite women tending to be concentrated in those fields which had less demanding entry points, which less often required science subjects to have been studied to matriculation level and led to the less prestigious professions. Many women did nevertheless make it into the prestigious professions and it is of interest to discover in what ways they differed from the others.
Satisfaction related to status
In the 1982 questionnaire questions were asked about aspects of job status, income and supervision in order to discern whether in the same occupation there was evidence of some groups beginning to build a stronger career base than others. It was found that although the women did very well in regard to the completion of higher education and in initial entry to professional occupations, within a few years the men were beginning to gain advantages in terms of progress on the job. The pattern of relative under-achievement differed according to type of occupation. The principal gains in professional career progress for a large proportion of the women were made through their entry to the teaching profession. Men in the upper professions were not as often in teaching. Although quite a significant proportion (20 per cent of all women in the sample) entered lower professional occupations other than teaching, women were more often found in lower professional teaching than in any other professional occupational category. It was in these occupations such as teaching, social welfare and paramedical work that women tended to succeed more than men in advancement on the job. Thus, when we look at the advances made, responsibilities held, etc., we find that for the most part the men had gained more than the women except in those professional areas related to human services which women tended to enter in greater numbers. We will return to this point, but first we look at satisfaction.
The relative achievement of women can be considered from two other perspectives on status attainment represented by `objective' and `subjective' measures. There are various subjective measures, one being an index of satisfaction with the job. Two questions were investigated in regard to this index: Did those who attained upper professional levels of employment gain more satisfying work; and did men and women differ in this respect? Smith's Job Description Index was used to produce a measure of satisfaction (the scale has 24 items covering work, supervision, workmates, pay and promotional opportunities). In general, we found satisfaction across all occupations to be only weakly related to gender. Females on average were just slightly more satisfied with their jobs, but this was not the case in professional occupations other than teaching.
The pattern of mean scores for job satisfaction according to type of occupation is also similar for both sexes. For both sexes the primary teachers had the highest satisfaction scores of all although, of course, it is not the highest status group; and unskilled manual workers had the lowest level of satisfaction. In this context, it should be emphasised that the sample included only those who reached Year 12 of school. Secondary teachers fell in the middle of the range on this level of satisfaction measure and below the other professional groups. They were also below the intermediate non-manual clerical workers for the sample as a whole. What it means for women is that because they have tended more often to go into primary teaching, especially in this particular cohort who completed secondary school in 1973, they have more often experienced occupations with a high level of work satisfaction.
When the distribution of scores on the satisfaction scale is closely examined for women in the upper professional occupations some tendency towards extreme views is discernable. Women tended more than men to have an extremely high level of satisfaction or moderate to low satisfaction with upper professional jobs, while men in such occupations tended to have a moderately high level of satisfaction. The reasons why some women in the upper professional occupations may be less enthusiastic about their jobs could be related to their having reduced opportunities within those occupations. Interviews conducted as part of the Career Development Project have suggested that women feel their geographic mobility to be limited if they are married. There is also uncertainty about the future where the high rate of change and development in professional work may make it difficult for women to return to those professions if they leave them to establish families. Most (90 per cent), however, had not yet had children at last contact in 1982. (Planned follow up of certain cases in 1987 should throw more light on the question.) This area of concern is taken up again below (p.22). Another factor is that women more often than men have part-time jobs and may find less satisfaction in such employment both in regard to their interest in the job and in their relative prospects for advancement through experience. Nevertheless, men and women are approximately equal in their average level of satisfaction in different kinds of professional jobs, although they tend more towards the extremes of satisfaction and dissatisfaction if employed in upper professional occupations.
At the lower end of the satisfaction score range, women were more often satisfied in lower clerical positions than were men and on the average they had slightly greater satisfaction in small business and trades, and unskilled manual work. It is perhaps of some interest that establishing one's own business is not, at least at this stage, satisfying for very many. People who have done so at the age of say 27 are likely to be in the early years of such a venture with a great deal of hard work and little pay-off. It is, however, a type of employment which, judging from the respondents' future expectations, will increase considerably for this sample in future years.
Other indices were developed for measures of success. A brief description of a particular person's employment was available as well as information on the level of education required for the job, responsibility for the work of other people, the number of people supervised, whether they were self-employed, and their current income. These variables were explored to develop an index of success which could be used in addition to the hierarchical grouping of occupations and the satisfaction index. Within occupational groups, people might achieve a degree of success that is not represented in a hierarchy of occupations. For example, some people classified in lower level jobs may in fact have aimed for such work and for a high level of success within it. An attempt was made to create an index that allowed comparison of success within occupational groups and to apply it across occupations. This was not successful. However, it was possible to take the analysis beyond the occupational status hierarchy by taking into account income and qualification levels in one index, and responsibility and experience in supervision in another. A measure of current socioeconomic status contains the five point status hierarchy used in other work in this project as indicators of career success while acknowledging other indicators of career success such as income and the reported qualification required for the job. The second indicator of success dealing with responsibility and supervision was independent of status, income and qualification.
In 1982 at about the age of 27 years those who had recently graduated or, especially, who had obtained post-graduate qualifications or who had returned to studies to up-grade initial tertiary qualifications, tended still to be at a junior level in their professions. Among the non-professionals, however, where people may have been working from six to ten years, people were more likely to be in a supervisory role. Responsibility for the work of others was found in those lower status groups to be related to having a higher income (r = .23), but among teachers there was no relationship between responsibility, income and level of qualification. Findings were similar for all lower professionals although there was an increased likelihood of self-employment among those with a job requiring a higher qualification.
In order to further investigate differences in job-related success, two scales were developed: one, `Current Socio-economic Status' (`SES') which comprised occupational status, qualification required for the position and income; and the other `Responsibility' which was a measure from evidence of responsibility for other people's work and information on the number of people supervised (see below). The average status achieved in terms of `Current SES' was similar for men and women, but the pattern of differences between men and women in the status attained at this stage of their careers was greatly affected the proportion of women who had become primary school teachers. Although men had a slightly higher SES than women within seven out of eight broadly defined job categories, their overall average SES was lower because of the larger number of women in the teaching professions. In another way of looking at the differnces through cross tabulation of `Current Socio-economic Status' by sex for all occupational groups combined we see a very interesting pattern in the distribution of scores for male and female respondents. (See Table 1.) Forty-one per cent of the women fell in the middle of five levels of 'Current SES', compared with less than 20 per cent of the men. Men tended to be spread over all levels on this measure, whereas women tended to be clustered at a moderate level of attainment.
When we considered qualifications and income components of the status measure separately, women had jobs requiring a higher average level of qualification for entry but men had higher incomes than women, so that the effects of qualification were almost cancelled out in the overall effect. On a measure of responsibility for the work of others, men had higher scores than women in most occupational groups. The exceptions were teaching and lower professional non-teaching occupations such as social welfare work. These latter were occupations were notable as those in which there were more women than men. At the same time they were occupations in which little gain in level of responsibility would have been made in the early stages of a professional career. By contrast the greatest levels of responsibility were attained in the intermediate non-manual group where men were found in greater proportions. As mentioned above, these are the higher clerical positions where an opportunity would more often have developed in a public service or business environment for promotion and supervision than would be the case in professional fields. Men had succeeded here more than women. A somewhat similar situation was found amongst the upper professional groups other than teaching and in small business and technical trades employment. Amongst unskilled manual workers, also, men were more often in supervisory roles.
Few teachers were responsible for their colleagues' work or in leading positions, particularly in secondary schools, at the career stage reached by the age of 27 years. That is, the fields in which women might have gained most were those where there was less opportunity at the early stages. When the distribution of male and female workers with regard to level of responsibility is tabulated separately, we see that for the total sample 61 per cent of women had no responsibility for the work of others, whereas only 44 per cent of men had no such responsibility. (These rates would be expected to be higher than in the population at large as we are dealing here with a group who had at least reached the matriculation level of education and among whom majority had a tertiary qualification.) Nevertheless, within the teaching profession women had been given some degree of responsibility slightly more often than men.
Income, status and level of appointment as aspects of a job could be appreciated apart from the job itself since they have extrinsic benefits. Especially for professional people these aspect can be independent of responsibility, and indeed they were uncorrelated in this sample. In is of some importance in regard to job satisfaction for the status indicators are related to satisfaction but level of responsibility is not. That is understandable because responsibility is not a concrete reward like income or a social sign like the status of an occupation. Personal seniority, the dependence of others upon one for guidance and the exercise of power may bring intrinsic feelings of worth but they also imply personal accountability for actions, interpersonal conflict and managerial or administrative workloads which may add as much to dissatisfaction as the intrinsic rewards given satisfaction. Alternatively, high responsibility may be given in quite uninspiring jobs. In this sense women had positioned themselves better in relation to job satisfaction but the implication is that in the longer run their satisfaction would be lees through loss of income and other extrinsic rewards.
Self-perceptions of fulfilment of expectations and success
We consider now some more subjective measures of success. Three measures were used to explore this question. The first being the job-satisfaction scale already referred to and discussed above. In the second measure respondents were asked how they felt about their attainments with regard to whether they had been surprisingly successful, better than expected, about equal to expectations, a little disappointing, or much worse. A third measure came from a question among a series asking about important decisions and the extent of their influence on career outcome. That question asked whether on balance their decisions had been successful, the replies being Yes, No or Uncertain. There were only low correlations between the job satisfaction score, and the other two measures, indicating that such measures are tapping different attitudes.
Scores on the second subjective measure concerning fulfilment of expectations indicate that men were more likely to feel disappointed about their achievements compared with what they expected than were women. Women more often felt they had achieved what they had expected. (See Table 2 for a summary of achievement relative to expectation for different groups of occupations for women, and Table 3 for men.) In terms of the actual expectations recorded in earlier years those retrospective perceptions were fairly accurate and this recalls previous findings that the men tended to overrate their abilities while women tended to underrate theirs (Beswick, 1975). That is, with respect to the over all average level, but the pattern is different at the highest level. A slightly greater proportion of men than women in 1982 felt that they had been particularly successful so far, whereas women were more likely to say they had achieved just a little more than expected. These perceptions mirror actual outcomes quite well. That is, as noted above, women were predominantly in the slightly above average status jobs and this was associated with their less often feeling disappointed with their achievements.
It is particularly interesting to discover that those women who most often felt they had achieved more than they had expected, or that their decisions had been very successful, were those who were in professional jobs other than teaching. It is notable that in spite of a tendency for the women in lower clerical jobs to have found the work reasonably satisfying, this was the group along with manual workers who were most likely to feel disappointed in their level of attainment. Although their work may have been satisfying in some respects this did not prevent them from feeling disappointed by their lack of career attainment. It is notable again that women entering lower professional teaching were those who most often rated their choices or career decisions as successful (Table 11). No men in the top occupational status group thought their decisions had definitely been unsuccessful whereas some women in that group did. Just as in their earlier attitudes to occupations, women did not relate their success to status cues as much as men appeared to, although the three lowest status groups of women far outweigh the others in their negative evaluation and uncertainty about the success of their decisions (Table 11). It was in the intermediate to moderately high groups rather than in the very high that women had the greatest degree of certainty in the success of the decisions they had made.
Success measured by longitudinal comparisons
Who, then, had attained the greatest success? In order to answer this question, a comparison was made of attainments, and satisfaction and perception of positions with information available from earlier years. This was mainly at two points: from 1976 when most respondents were well committed to their main line of development in terms of their major fields of study and had perhaps already obtained their basic qualification; and from 1973 when they were at the point of gaining entry to higher education. This is not easily summarized. (There are approximately 1,000 variables on the files that may in some sense be relevant.) A few composite indices were focussed on such as: social background, abilities, attitudes and motives, first with reference to the earlier period. These indices have been defined in earlier work. (See Beswick and Harman, 1975.)
The view taken herein implies rejection of a simple minded social structural view of an individual's occupational path determined by social origins and such factors as structural barriers to institutional participation and advancement. People are viewed as constructing their own futures, to some extent, within the limits of their abilities and social circumstances and according to their values. There was evidence of such limitations in the data examined but once a person had reached the matriculation (HSC) level it appeared that they were more or less free to act according to their individual personalities. There is very little predictive value, for example, in the family of origin socioeconomic status (SES) once school achievement is taken into account, if one is trying to understand who will proceed to higher education. (For findings from the study of initial transition see Anderson et al, Regional Colleges, 1975.) There is a good deal of variance in the type of occupation and the type of course taken that can be accounted for by background social variables but they interact with individual differences and especially with the types of subjects studied for matriculation. We consider first, however, some of the more sociological correlates of entry into 'the professions'.
Career attainment in the sense of becoming established in the various types of occupations is related to family of origin SES in a similar way for men and women, but women show some of the effects more strongly than men. The two sexes are similar in that for both male and female respondents to the 1982 survey, the upper professional non-teaching groups have tended to come from relatively high status families more often than from lower status families, and at the same time the lower clerical and manual occupations tended more often to have been taken up by both men and women from the less advantaged family backgrounds. There are, however, some quite striking differences. (See Table 12 for a summary of the mean socio-economic family status scores for various sections of the sample.) The group with the highest status of origin were the women entering non-teaching upper professional occupations. Equally outstanding is the fact that lower professional male teachers came from an average status background that was fairly low: that is, men entering primary teaching tended to be distinguished by not very often having come from professional or managerial families. Women primary teachers showed the same effect to a lesser extent.
Much of the effect related to family socioeconomic status can be accounted for by the level of attainment in the matriculation examinations. That is not to say that such achievement variables are not influenced by family SES but they do have a stronger relationship to the dependent variables than do the status measures themselves. (Family SES leaves a large proportion of the regression of subsequent achievement on HSC scores unaccounted for. See Bardsley et al. 1979.) The women who entered the upper professional occupations most often had the high HSC scores. They were similar to the men who entered the same occupations. The lower professional male teachers tended most often amongst the professional groups to have relatively low HSC scores, but they were not very much lower than for the women entering lower professional groups other than teaching. The women entering primary teaching, however, tended to have above average scores, and in that respect it appears to have been a less constrained choice on their part. The women who entered teaching with a degree (the upper professional group), had higher achievement scores than did the men who entered the same occupation (see Table 13). A somewhat similar pattern is obtained if one considers the self-rated ability of the students in the HSC year.
The group of women entering the primary teaching group are notable in having the least scientific orientation in their interests and fields of study at the matriculation level (Table 14). Amongst professional groups they were outstanding in their lack of interest in science in senior secondary school and might be seen to have had their choices limited in that respect. Scientific orientation scores were much higher for the male groups in general and especially for those entering the upper professional occupations.
The only women who approximated the men in that regard were those who entered professional occupations other than teaching, and here lies one of the great constraints on women's career opportunities generally.
Amongst the measures of a motivational kind we had measures of intrinsic motivation or curiosity, and another of the seeking of extrinsic rewards. The sharply contrasting groups we have already noted, the upper professional females and the lower professional male teachers, again differed markedly on these two motivational variables. Upper professional females in 1982 were the group who had the highest curiosity scores in 1973. Amongst the professional groups the lowest such scores were by the men entering primary teaching (Table 15). Exactly the opposite occurs with the seeking of extrinsic rewards. The men going into primary teaching most often indicated at the beginning of the period of development under study in 1973, that they were seeking rewards such as status, security and income. Indeed closer examination suggests that it is mainly security of employment that was their motivation. On the other hand, at the opposite extreme, women entering the upper professions other than teaching were more often likely to be seeking intrinsic satisfaction from the job and social rewards other than status (see Tables 15 and 16 regarding intrinsic and extrinsic motivation). On our measure of general human interest, however, it was the women entering the upper professional field of teaching who had the highest human interest scores (a separate attitude scale) and they differed noticeably from the women entering other upper professional occupations. That is, teachers are more socially oriented but the other upper professionals are more intrinsically motivated.
Attitudes to combining career and family
In this section we consider briefly what women said when aged around 27 years in 1982 about the prospects of combining career and family. We believed that this was likely to be a critical age for women in making such decisions or at least in making plans of a strategic nature which would affect their future attainments. Table 17 summarises the responses they gave to a number of questions regarding career and family; e.g., when asked whether they agreed with the statement 'I think I can do both' 47 per cent said yes, 30 per cent were uncertain and 23 per cent said 'No'. A greater proportion, however, responded positively to the notion that they would like to be able to do both (62 per cent said yes). Eighty-one per cent said they wanted to have children (only 6 per cent said no) while 52 per cent said they wanted to have a career. There was a clear recognition of difficulty in combining career and family. One of the purposes of the intensive interviews of a small sample was to follow-up those who had indicated various combinations of these answers in order to explore the possible areas of conflict. Findings from the interviews will be reported separately.
It is important to note that the most preferred method of combining a career with having a family (Table 17 (c)) was to be able to continue one's career through part-time employment for some years, probably in combination with periods of maternity leave. Maternity leave alone, however, did not appear to be a sufficient means of maintaining a career in the kinds of plans many of these young women were making. There would be a tendency from the survey data to expect that family considerations, probably including a spouse's career as well as matters relating to their having children would be likely to take precedence for many women at some points over their own career prospects. A significant proportion expected to modify their careers to have a family.
Summary and Conclusion
This paper concentrates on women who had chosen professional occupations. In the Career Development Project sample more girls than boys reached matriculation (Higher School Certificate level, HSC), and their HSC results were better. More women finished tertiary courses, and finished their courses sooner. These gains were not, however, being translated into career orientation at the time of the follow-up in 1982. A greater proportion of women than men had gone into professional occupations, but they were mostly in 'lower professional' jobs which did not require a degree - preponderantly primary teaching - and if they were in 'higher professional' jobs the job was most likely to be secondary teaching. By contrast, two thirds of men who had entered the professions had gone into the 'higher professions' and only a small proportion were secondary teachers; of the relatively few lower professional men, fewer than half were teachers. Women differed from men who did enter teaching in their motives and satisfaction. Men teachers, especially primary teachers, characteristically came from a lower occupational background and saw teaching as a career path offering extrinsic rewards; the women were more often from an educated background and were looking for intrinsic satisfaction. Female primary teachers were the most satisfied with their jobs of all the occupational groupings, and women on the whole were slightly more likely to be pleased with their career choices than men. This especially applied to the 'upper professional' women who were not teachers. However, satisfaction was not the outcome of career advancement - women clustered more in the middle ranges of their fields and were less likely to be in relatively senior positions than the men in the same occupation. In addition to this apparent loss of impetus in their careers, the women in the survey mostly expected to face problems in reconciling their careers and the family they mostly expected to rear - only 6% said they definitely did not want children, and 12% that they did not want a career. Most of them expected to combine their career and raise a family, but over half expected to have to put their employment on a different footing for a considerable time as a result, inevitably disrupting their careers. This was not a problem which seemed relevant to the men in the survey, most of whom did not complete the questions relating to it. In sum, the women who in previous contacts had seemed to be outpacing the men, were seen to be dropping behind and expecting to drop back further.
Anderson, D.S., Batt, K.J., Beswick, D.G., Harman, G.S. and Selby Smith, C. (eds) Regional Colleges: A Study of Non-Metropolita Colleges of Advanced Education in Australia, Vols. 1-3. Canberra Education Research Unit, School of Social Sciences, Australian National University, 1975.
Bardsley, W.N., Beswick, D.G., Boreham, J.E., Dunn, T.R., McDonnell, P. and Macmillan, C.N. Recent Findings from Longitudinal Surveys of School Leavers, Students and Young Workers in Australia (A Summary of a research report). In Education, Training and Employment: Repor of the Committee of Inquiry into Education and Training, (B.R. Williams: Chairman). Canberra: Australian Government Publishing Service, 1979, Vol. 2, pp. 383-412.
Beswick, D.G. Career Development Project: a progress report on a Longitudinal study of vocational and educational development of 5000 matriculation students. Paper presented at the 43rd ANZAAS Congress, Hobart, 1976. Sydney: University of New South Wale Library, microfiche, 1976.
Beswick, D.G. and Harman, G.S. (Eds) Survey Instruments in the Stud of Regional Colleges. Canberra: Education Research Unit, Australia National University, 1975.
Beswick, D. G. and Boreham 1986?
Beswick, D., Schofield, H. and Boreham J. The Participation of Women in Higher Education: Signs of Progress and Regression, Researc Working Paper No. 83.1. Melbourne: Centre for the Study of Highe Education, University of Melbourne, 1983.
Blackstone, T. Girls and Women in Education: Success or Failure. Research Working Paper 87.1 Centre for the Study of Higher Education, University of Melbourne, 1987
1. . This paper is based on Research Working Paper 85.4 entitled `Womens Success and Perspective on Careers' which is available from the Centre for the Study of Higher Education, University of Melbourne, and which contains most of the tables and more detailed information. Analysis of data from the `Career Development Project' was supported in part by a grant from the Bureau of Labour Market Research. An earlier version of the paper entitled `Women's Academic Progress and Entry to Professions' was given at the annual conference of the Australian Association for Research in Education at Hobart, November 1985. The authors are indebted to Heather Parbs and Kate Patrick for research assistance, and to colleagues in the Centre for the Study of Higher Education and Gerald Burke of Monash University for their critical comments and suggestions.
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